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Tuesday, July 5, 2011

Rome has always been violent, aggressive and intimidating


Noisy and eternal



Rome: A Cultural, Visual and Personal History. By Robert Hughes. Knopf; 534 pages; $35. Weidenfeld & Nicholson; £25. Buy from Amazon.comAmazon.co.uk
 A monumental piece of history
NO CITY, writes Robert Hughes, “has ever been more steeped in ferocity from its beginnings than Rome”. This dauntingly aggressive city-state made itself the capital of Europe’s biggest empire, and then became the seat of western Christendom. Unsurprisingly, it has acted as a magnet for men (and the occasional woman) of intimidating ambition, untroubled by the use of violence for the attainment of their ends.
One of the city’s semi-legendary rulers was Tarquin the Arrogant who is credited with inspiring the “tall poppy” approach to governance: he reputedly believed the best way to start administering a vanquished city was to remove the heads of its leading citizens. Among Rome’s later emperors was Valens, whose purge of pagans was described by one fourth-century chronicler as “monstrous savagery”. As Mr Hughes writes, “men were maimed, hideously torn with hooks, and dragged off to the scaffold and the chopping-block.”

If Rome’s history is monumental, then so is the task of telling it. A story that lasts almost 3,000 years and is pivotal to so much of Western civilisation requires a chronicler of well-nigh unattainable erudition, who can write with the skill needed to prevent readers from succumbing to a literary version of Stendhal syndrome. Mr Hughes, the Australian-born art critic of Time magazine, comes as near as anyone to fulfilling that job description and for much of this wide-ranging volume he succeeds magnificently. He is at his most instructive and entertaining in the period that roughly coincides with the construction of Saint Peter’s basilica, which “took 120 years and lasted for the lifetime of 20 popes”. This was the age of Bramante, Michelangelo, Julius II the “terrifying Pope”, and that eccentric Baroque master, Guido Reni, who was so scared of women that only his mother was allowed to touch his laundry. This was also the period that encompassed the Roman sojourn of Caravaggio whose violence and genius were so much of a piece with the city’s history. “Saturnine, coarse and queer”, writes Mr Hughes, that “he thrashed about in the etiquette of early Seicento Rome like a shark in a net.”
More than a millennium later, the city was in thrall to “quarrelsome, tough, crazy” Pope Sixtus V, as a later poet called him. A 16th-century proponent of zero tolerance, Sixtus had those who failed to keep the Sabbath condemned to the galleys. Sixtus’s violent, if productive, five-year papacy exemplified a recurrent theme in Rome’s history: the entwining of brutality with lavish creativity. It was he who built many of the straight roads and broad squares on which his successors bestowed the Baroque churches and fountains that have been the city’s pride ever since.
Prose of that quality is of itself enough to commend this work. But there is no denying the book is uneven. There are disconcerting inaccuracies: Mr Hughes seems to think polenta is characteristically Roman when in fact it is quintessentially northern. And at times he fails to exert on his work the iron discipline that characterises the only comparable work in English, Christopher Hibbert’s “Rome: The Biography of a City”, published in 1985. Mr Hughes’s account of the Republic, for example, drifts away from the city itself to become the story of the making of the Roman empire. More jarringly, the chapters supposedly devoted to the city’s 20th-century history dwell at length on individuals and movements who had little to do with Rome or, like the Futurists, actively loathed it. The entire section could be retitled “A Brief History of Modern Italian Art”.
By then, you feel the author has been exhausted by the sheer richness of his material. Rome, he writes, “makes you feel small, and it is meant to.” But then he adds: “It also makes you feel big, because the nobler parts of it were raised by members of your own species. It shows you what you cannot imagine doing, which is one of the beginnings of wisdom.”

Metal traces help scientists “color in” fossilized animals




Courtesy of the University of Manchester
and World Science staff
Sci­en­tists say they have tak­en a big step in learn­ing the col­ors of the first birds and some oth­er an­cient an­i­mals, us­ing traces of cop­per found in the fos­sils.

A new anal­y­sis in­clud­ed the old­est beaked bird known, the 120 mil­lion year old Con­fu­ciu­sor­nis sanc­tus, and the 110 mil­lion year old Gan­sus yu­me­nen­sis, which looks like the mod­ern grebe and rep­re­sents the old­est ex­am­ple of mod­ern birds.
White shows the dis­tri­bu­tion of cal­ci­um in this bird's neck feath­ers, which in turn is con­trolled by met­al traces of dark pig­ments, re­search­ers say. This would mean the downy feath­ers were orig­i­nal­ly dark in this bird, Con­fuc­ius­or­nis sanc­tus.  (Im­age cre­at­ed by Greg­o­ry Stew­art/SLAC)


“Cop­per can be mapped to re­veal as­ton­ish­ing de­tails about colour in an­i­mals that are over 100 mil­lion years old,” said Uni­vers­ity of Man­ches­ter, U.K. ge­o­chem­ist Roy Wogelius. He is the lead au­thor of a pa­per on the find­ings pub­lished in the June 30 ad­vance on­line edi­tion of the jour­nal Sci­ence.

“Even more amaz­ing is to real­ize that such bi­o­log­i­cal pig­ments,” or mo­le­cules re­spon­si­ble for much bi­o­log­i­cal col­or­ing, “can now be stud­ied through­out the fos­sil record,” he added. That can work “probably back much fur­ther than the 120 mil­lion years we show in this pub­lica­t­ion.”

Wogelius and col­leagues joined sci­en­tists at SLAC Na­tional Ac­cel­er­a­tor Lab­o­r­a­to­ry in the U.S. and used a ma­chine called the Stan­ford Syn­chro­tron Radia­t­ion Light­source to bathe fos­sils in in­tense X-rays. The in­ter­ac­tion of these X-rays with the chem­is­try of each fos­sil let the rec­og­nise the chem­is­try of eu­mel­a­nin, an dark pig­ment, in feath­ers from dino-birds and the eye of a 50-mil­lion-year-old fish.

Eu­mel­a­nin is probably the most im­por­tant pig­ment in the an­i­mal king­dom and gives dark shad­ing to hu­man hair, rep­tile skin, and feath­ers, the re­search­ers said.

The key was iden­ti­fy­ing and im­ag­ing trace met­als in­cor­po­rat­ed by an­cient and liv­ing or­gan­isms in­to their soft tis­sues, in the same way that all liv­ing spe­cies do to­day, in­clud­ing hu­mans. With­out es­sen­tial trace met­als, key bi­o­log­i­cal pro­cesses in life would fail and an­i­mals ei­ther be­come sick or die. Us­ing a new tech­nique called rap­id scan X-ray flu­o­res­cence im­ag­ing, the team tracked down these es­sen­tial trace met­als, which sur­vive even af­ter pig­ment-containing com­part­ments of cells break down.

“The fos­sils we ex­ca­vate have vast po­ten­tial to un­lock many se­crets on the orig­i­nal or­gan­is­m’s life, death and sub­se­quent events im­pact­ing its pre­serva­t­ion be­fore and af­ter buri­al,” said Phil Man­ning, a sen­ior au­thor on the pa­per and Uni­vers­ity of Man­ches­ter pa­lae­on­tol­ogist. “To un­pick the com­pli­cat­ed chem­i­cal ar­chive that fos­sils rep­re­sent re­quires a mul­ti­dis­ci­pli­nary team that can br­ing into fo­cus many ar­eas of sci­ence... we now have a chem­i­cal roadmap to track si­m­i­lar pig­ments in all life.”

Could simple anger have taught people to cooperate?




Special to World Science  
While re­search­ers don’t agree on how hu­mans first de­vel­oped the ex­cep­tion­al lev­el of coop­era­t­ion they show in to­day’s so­ci­eties, a few bas­ic ideas are of­ten ban­died about the sci­en­tif­ic lit­er­a­ture.

A new study is chal­leng­ing one of the lead­ing the­o­ries, though, to re­place it with a sim­pler no­tion: hu­mans learn­ed to coop­erate be­cause they did­n’t want to make the neigh­bors an­gry.

The re­search forms a coun­ter­point to a grow­ing stack of stud­ies ar­gu­ing that police-like be­hav­iors play lead­ing roles in the de­vel­op­ment of coop­era­t­ion, by help­ing to en­force stan­dards of con­duct.

How coop­era­t­ion became com­mon in any so­cial spe­cies has long been a ma­jor ques­tion mark. Ev­o­lu­tion­ary the­o­ry, the main tool biologists use to ex­plain such things, fails to di­rectly ex­plain this one, and on the sur­face in fact seems to in­di­cate it could not happen.  Yet all sorts of crea­tures coop­erate—and hu­mans, sci­en­tists say, are the only ones who coop­erate in large groups with non-kin and strangers.

Pro­pos­ing that some mem­bers of a com­mun­ity tend to take on polic­ing roles, self-ap­pointed or oth­er­wise, is a po­ten­tial so­lu­tion that has in­trigued many re­search­ers. It has a tan­ta­liz­ing ba­sis in bi­ol­o­gy: crea­tures as sim­ple as bac­te­ria have been doc­u­mented to adopt police-like be­hav­iors to up­root freeload­ers and cheaters from their midst. Re­search­ers such as Ernst Fehr of the Uni­vers­ity of Zu­rich have en­listed peo­ple in game-ex­pe­ri­ments in which they can win mon­ey if they’re gen­er­ous among each oth­er—but may win more by free­load­ing on the larg­er group’s gen­eros­ity, at some cost to the group. When play­ers al­so have a chance to fi­nan­cially pe­nal­ize these free-riders, they do so even if it hurts them—and coop­era­t­ion goes up, Fehr and col­leagues found. Math­e­mat­i­cal mod­els have al­so been drawn up show­ing how such “third-par­ty pun­ish­ment,” or pun­ish­ment on be­half of a com­mun­ity, can make sense as part of an ev­o­lu­tion­ary pic­ture.

But re­search­ers in­clud­ing Frank J. Mar­lowe of the Uni­vers­ity of Dur­ham, U.K., ar­gue that the­re’s one prob­lem he­re. In the sim­plest real hu­man so­ci­eties, peo­ple who pun­ish oth­ers on be­half on the pub­lic good seem to be woe­fully few, yet shar­ing and coop­era­t­ion are still com­mon. In a new stu­dy, Mar­lowe, with a group of U.K. and U.S. col­leagues, claim that the avengers of the wronged are un­nec­es­sary to ex­plain hu­man coop­era­t­ion—ex­cept if we’re talk­ing about peo­ple aveng­ing them­selves.

“Mo­ti­vated by the bas­ic emo­tion of anger,” peo­ple’s ten­den­cy to re­tal­i­ate on their own be­half is “suf­fi­cient to ex­plain the ori­gins of hu­man coop­era­t­ion,” the re­search­ers wrote in the July 22 is­sue of the re­search jour­nal Pro­ceed­ings of the Roy­al So­ci­e­ty B.

This ten­den­cy is “more un­iver­sal” than pun­ish­ment of wrong­do­ers on be­half of third par­ties, they added, la­bel­ing this di­rect sort of re­talia­t­ion “sec­ond par­ty, ‘spite­ful’ pun­ish­ment.”

Mar­lowe and col­leagues drew on pub­lished de­scrip­tions of small-scale for­ag­ing so­ci­eties that plau­sibly could have been like early hu­man com­mun­i­ties. They al­so drew on the re­sults of ad­di­tion­al ex­pe­ri­men­tal games, these con­ducted with mem­bers of such small so­ci­eties as well as larg­er ones. The games were aimed at gaug­ing peo­ple’s will­ing­ness to be gen­er­ous and, on the flip side, to re­tal­i­ate for un­co­op­er­a­tive be­hav­ior.

These ex­pe­ri­ments and de­scrip­tions, they said, show that small so­ci­eties are less gen­er­ous and less giv­en to en­gage in “third-par­ty pun­ish­ment” than large so­ci­eties. How­ev­er, their mem­bers are eve­ry bit as will­ing to avenge them­selves, even at a cost, they added.

Third-par­ty, police-like pun­ish­ment, termed “strong re­cipro­city,” is “more rel­e­vant for un­der­stand­ing the cul­tur­al ev­o­lu­tion of large, com­plex, agricul­tur­al so­ci­eties,” they added. The re­search group con­ducted the ex­pe­ri­men­tal games with a “wide range of so­ci­eties, in­clud­ing hunter–gathe­rers, horticul­tur­alists, pas­toral­ists, farm­ers and ­city dwellers,” they not­ed.

Sev­er­al games were played. In the sim­plest, de­signed to meas­ure gen­eros­ity, the re­searcher hands some mon­ey to a sub­ject, who is asked to give some of it to an­oth­er play­er if he or she wants. The ex­pe­ri­menter records what this first play­er de­cides to do, and the “game” ends the­re. In an­oth­er, the play­er is again asked to of­fer some of the mon­ey to an­oth­er play­er, but that oth­er play­er is ad­vised that they can re­ject the mon­ey if, for ex­am­ple, the of­fer seems in­sult­ingly small. If they re­ject the of­fer, both play­ers get noth­ing: it’s a game de­signed to gauge peo­ple’s will­ing­ness to dish out “spite­ful” pun­ish­ment.

“In real life,” such seem­ingly spite­ful be­hav­ior probably pays off eventually, Mar­lowe and col­leagues wrote, be­cause oth­ers learn they can’t easily get away with hand­ing the pun­isher a raw deal.

In a third game, a play­er gets to pun­ish a sec­ond play­er who they feel gave a bad deal to a third play­er, by de­priv­ing them of all their al­lot­ted mon­ey. The catch is that the first play­er has to give up one-fifth of their own al­lot­ment to do this. This game is de­signed to mim­ic the role of the en­forcer who pun­ishes mis­cre­ants on be­half of so­ci­e­ty.

The find­ings do show that in large so­ci­eties, “third-par­ty pun­ish­ment” is im­por­tant and in­deed more com­mon than di­rect re­venge, the re­search­ers found. “Pun­ish­ers may get a reputa­t­ion as good cit­i­zens and might be re­warded for en­forc­ing stan­dards of fair­ness for the larg­er group,” ex­plaining their prev­a­lence in larg­er so­ci­eties, Mar­lowe and col­leagues wrote. But peo­ple in very small so­ci­eties are “less will­ing” to do that, and in­stead more of­ten pun­ish those who have di­rectly slighted them.

“What is spe­cial about hu­mans is the will­ing­ness to be spite­ful to force coop­era­t­ion,” Mar­lowe and col­leagues con­clud­ed.

Mostly-male book images may reduce girls’ science scores




Special to World Science  
Part of the rea­son boys tend to out­score girls in sci­ence clas­ses may be that most text­books show pre­dom­i­nantly male sci­en­tists’ im­ages, a small ex­plor­a­to­ry study has found.

The stu­dy, on 81 young high-school stu­dents, saw the “gen­der gap” ap­par­ently re­versed when youths were tested based on a text con­tain­ing only female sci­ent­ist im­ages, in­ves­ti­ga­tors said. The gap re­turned in its usu­al form when ma­le-only im­ages were used—and van­ished when the pho­tos showed equal num­bers of men and wom­en sci­en­tists, re­search­ers said.
Part of the rea­son boys tend to out­score girls in sci­ence clas­ses may be that most text­books show pre­dom­i­nantly male sci­en­tists’ im­ages, a small ex­plor­a­to­ry study has found. (Image courtesy Vir­gi­nia Dept. of Ed.)


The in­ves­ti­ga­tors cau­tioned, based on the small sam­ple size and oth­er fac­tors, that it’s un­real­is­tic to ex­pect it would be so easy to erase the gen­der gap in real life.

None­the­less, the find­ings hint that “pro­vid­ing stu­dents with di­verse role mod­els with­in text­book im­ages” may be an im­por­tant step, the re­search­ers wrote in re­port­ing their re­sults. The stu­dy, by Jes­si­ca J. Good of Rut­gers Uni­vers­ity in New Jer­sey and col­leagues, is pub­lished in the March-Ap­ril is­sue of the Jour­nal of So­cial Psy­chol­o­gy.

Oth­er re­search­ers have pro­posed that so­ci­e­ty can wipe out the pe­r­for­mance gap—which has al­ready shrunk­en in re­cent years—by mak­ing stronger ef­forts to give both sexes si­m­i­lar re­sources and op­por­tun­i­ties. A 2004 re­port by the U.S. Cen­ter for Educa­t­ion Sta­tis­tics not­ed that the pre­vi­ous year, sci­ence scores for eighth-grade boys ex­ceeded those for eighth-grade girls in 28 out of 34 coun­tries sur­veyed.

In the study on text­book im­ages, ninth- and tenth-grade stu­dents, 29 male and 52 fema­le, were asked to read a three-page chem­is­try text with one pho­to per page. Stu­dents were ran­domly as­signed one of three ver­sions of the read­ing: one whose pic­tures showed all male sci­en­tists, anoth­er with only female sci­en­tists and one with equal num­bers of sci­en­tists of both sexes. The text it­self was the same in all cases.

The stu­dents, who had no pri­or for­mal chem­is­try train­ing, were next di­rect­ed to take a short test on the read­ing.

Girls did sig­nif­i­cantly bet­ter when us­ing the text with wom­en-only im­ages, the in­ves­ti­ga­tors re­ported. Boys did bet­ter with the men-only im­ages, though the dif­fer­ence here did­n’t reach a sta­tis­ti­cally sig­nif­i­cant lev­el. Over­all, av­er­age scores were high­er for girls than boys among all stu­dents who got the wom­en-only ver­sion.

The com­mon pre­dom­i­nance of ma­le-sci­ent­ist im­ages in text­books is a case of what some read­ers would pe­rceive as “stereo­type threat,” a phe­nom­e­non first de­scribed by re­search­ers at Stan­ford Uni­vers­ity in Cal­i­for­nia in the mid-1990s, ac­cord­ing to Good and col­leagues.

Ster­e­o­type threat oc­curs when a test-taker is pre­sented with, or freshly re­minded of, a ster­e­o­type that re­flects neg­a­tively on his or her abil­i­ties in the sub­ject mat­ter at hand. Stud­ies have found that ster­e­o­type threats push down the test-taker’s score, in the same di­rec­tion the ster­e­o­type would pre­dict.

Thus a pre­dom­i­nance of ma­le-sci­ent­ist im­ages in the ma­jor­ity of sci­ence text­books may re­in­force pop­u­lar no­tions that girls are worse at sci­ence, and then lead to re­sults in line with those ideas, said Good and col­leagues.

Ster­e­o­type threats have been found to af­fect mi­nor­i­ties as well as fema­les. And the new find­ings sug­gest ster­e­o­type threat might work both ways—hurt­ing not only those dis­fa­vored by a com­mon ster­e­o­type, but those fa­vored as well. In par­tic­u­lar, al­though the pop­u­lar ster­e­o­type is that boys are the top pe­rformers in sci­ence, Good’s re­sults hinted that boys’ scores, too, might suf­fer if they saw pic­tures that cut against the flat­ter­ing ster­e­o­type.

A sim­ple so­lu­tion that pre­s­ents it­self, though it re­quires more re­search, would be “mixed-gen­der text­book im­ages,” the re­search­ers wrote. These “may rep­re­sent a sim­ple and cost-ef­fec­tive way to rem­e­dy the neg­a­tive ef­fects of stereo­typic text­book im­ages.”

They cau­tioned that not­with­stand­ing the lat­est re­sults, oth­er stud­ies have found that re­mov­ing ster­e­o­type threats does­n’t com­pletely elim­i­nate pe­r­for­mance gaps among dif­fer­ent groups, though it helps.

How ex­actly ster­e­o­type-threat ef­fects work is un­known, Good and col­leagues said, al­though there is ev­i­dence that they ope­rate largely sub­con­scious­ly. Pos­si­ble rea­sons may in­clude anx­i­e­ty or in­tru­sive thoughts caused by the ster­e­o­type threat, they wrote. Anoth­er ex­plana­t­ion may be that there is a sub­con­scious ten­den­cy to con­form to so­ci­e­tal ex­pecta­t­ions.

“Re­search should in­ves­t­i­gate the in­flu­ence of di­verse role mod­els pre­sented in text­books as a way of im­prov­ing pe­r­for­mance of mul­ti­ple ster­e­o­typed groups, not just wom­en,” the in­ves­ti­ga­tors con­clud­ed. “Although elim­i­nat­ing gen­der bi­as in text­books will most likely not erad­i­cate the gen­der gap in sci­ence in­ter­est and achieve­ment, it will beg­in to chip away at an ev­er crum­bling founda­t­ion.”

Super black hole a “headache” for astronomers



As­tro­no­mers have found a mam­moth ob­ject that they say smashes records for dis­tance and bright­ness and could shed light on a never-probed early stage of cos­mic his­tory.

The ob­ject is al­so, to some ex­tent, un­want­ed.

Cur­rent phys­i­cal the­o­ries don’t ac­count for such huge ob­jects ap­pear­ing as early in the his­to­ry of the un­iverse as this one is. The time of its ap­pear­ance can be es­ti­mat­ed by its dis­tance.
The ob­ject dubbed ULAS J1120+0641 is not the bright­est spot in this im­age. It is the tiny red dot to the left of it, near the mid­dle—its faint­ness due on­ly to its in­cred­i­ble dis­tance. (Cred­it: ES­O/UKIDSS/S­DSS) 


“This gives as­tro­no­mers a head­ache,” said Dan­iel Mort­lock of Im­pe­ri­al Col­lege Lon­don, one of the dis­cov­er­ers and lead au­thor of a pa­per re­port­ing the find in the June 30 is­sue of the re­search jour­nal Na­ture.

“It’s dif­fi­cult to un­der­stand,” he ex­plained, how some­thing “a bil­lion times more mas­sive than the Sun can have grown so early in the his­to­ry of the un­iverse. It’s like roll­ing a snow­ball down the hill and sud­denly you find that it’s 20 feet across.”

This is­n’t the first time that prob­lem has come up; as­tro­no­mers have been work­ing on the­o­ries to ad­dress it. But the new ob­ject, the bright­est known by far so early in the his­tory of the uni­verse,  is per­haps the most dra­mat­ic ex­am­ple of the prob­lem.

The thing in ques­tion is be­lieved to be the most dis­tant known su­per­mas­sive black hole, a type of ob­ject so com­pact and heavy that its gra­vity over­whelms and drags in an­y­thing that strays too close, even light rays. Black holes aren’t di­rectly vis­i­ble, but can be seen when in­falling ob­jects heat up and be­come bright. In this case, riv­ers of gas are plung­ing in­to the black hole, re­search­ers say.

The dis­cov­ery came to light thanks to an on­go­ing sky sur­vey be­ing con­ducted at the U.K. In­fra­red Tel­e­scope and fol­low-up ob­serva­t­ions with the Gem­i­ni North tel­e­scope, both on Mauna Kea in Ha­waii. The black hole is al­so re­ferred to as a qua­sar, a type of black hole that sits and the cen­ter of a gal­axy guz­zling ma­te­ri­al, light­ing up the whole re­gion. To be pre­cise, “qua­sar” ac­tu­ally refers to the en­tire gal­axy, not just the black hole.

The light from this qua­sar started head­ing to­ward us when the un­iverse was only 6 per­cent of its pre­s­ent age, 770 mil­lion years af­ter the un­iverse was born, sci­en­tists say. The next most-dis­tant known qua­sar is seen as it was 870 mil­lion years af­ter that event. Be­cause of the dis­tance of these ob­jects, they ap­pear to us some­what as they would have back in their time.

“This qua­sar is a vi­tal probe of the early uni­verse. It is a very rare ob­ject that will help us to un­der­stand how su­per­mas­sive black holes grew,” said Ste­phen War­ren, the stu­dy’s team lead­er. Quasars are in ef­fect very bright, dis­tant ga­lax­ies thought to be pow­ered by “supermas­sive” black holes. Their bril­liance makes them pow­er­ful bea­cons that may help to probe the era when the first stars and ga­lax­ies were form­ing.

The new­found qua­sar, es­ti­mat­ed to weigh the equiv­a­lent of two bil­lion Suns, is so dis­tant that its light is be­lieved to probe the last part of an age called the reion­iz­a­tion era.

Some 300,000 years af­ter the Big Bang, an explosion-like event that sci­en­tists say cre­at­ed our uni­verse, the uni­verse had cooled down enough to al­low charged par­t­i­cles called elec­trons and pro­tons to com­bine in­to atoms of hy­dro­gen, a gas with no elec­tric charge. This cool dark gas would have per­me­at­ed the uni­verse un­til the first stars started form­ing about 100 to 150 mil­lion years lat­er. In­tense radia­t­ion from these stars slowly split the hy­dro­gen atoms back in­to pro­tons and elec­trons, a pro­cess called reion­iz­a­tion, mak­ing the uni­verse more trans­par­ent to ul­tra­vi­o­let light. It is be­lieve that this pro­cess, a mile­stone in cos­mic his­to­ry, oc­curred be­tween about 150 mil­lion to 800 mil­lion years af­ter the Big Bang.

An artist’s im­pres­sion shows how ULAS J1120+0641 may have looked from clos­er up. (ES­O/M. Ko­rn­messer).

Cos­mol­o­gists are keen to meas­ure the state of gas in the early un­iverse, and to un­der­stand how stars and ga­lax­ies formed. Most of the gas in the un­iverse is hy­dro­gen, and most of it is ion­ized to­day, mean­ing the elec­trons and pro­tons are sep­a­rat­ed.

The qua­sar is an op­por­tun­ity as well as a head­ache, be­cause it lets sci­en­tists meas­ure the con­di­tions in the gas that the qua­sar’s light passes through on its way to us, Mort­lock said. “What is par­tic­u­larly im­por­tant… is how bright it is,” he ex­plained. “It’s hun­dreds of times brighter than an­y­thing else yet dis­cov­ered at such a great dis­tance. This means that we can use it to tell us for the first time what con­di­tions were like in the early uni­verse.”

“It took us five years to find this ob­ject,” added Bram Ven­e­mans of the Eu­ro­pe­an South­ern Ob­serv­a­to­ry in Garch­ing, Ger­ma­ny, one of the au­thors of the stu­dy.

As one looks fur­ther away and thus fur­ther back in time, sci­en­tists rea­son that we should eventually reach the time when the hy­dro­gen was neu­tral, with the elec­trons and pro­tons com­bined as atoms. The light from the new qua­sar dis­plays the char­ac­ter­is­tic sig­na­ture of neu­tral gas, the in­ves­ti­ga­tors said. This sig­na­ture, show­ing the qua­sar pre­cedes the ep­och of reion­iz­a­tion, was pre­dicted in 1998 but has nev­er been ob­served be­fore.

“Be­ing able to an­a­lyze mat­ter at this crit­i­cal junc­ture in the his­to­ry of the uni­verse is some­thing we’ve been long striv­ing for but nev­er quite achieved. Now it looks like we have crossed the bar­ri­er,” said Steve War­ren of Im­pe­ri­al Col­lege, lead­er of the qua­sar team. “It’s like dis­cov­er­ing a new con­ti­nent which we can now ex­plore.” The qua­sar, named ULAS J1120+0641, was dis­cov­ered in the UKIRT In­fra­red Deep Sky Sur­vey, a new map of the sky as it ap­pears in in­fra­red light.

3D film captures line between consciousness and lights-out



Courtesy of the University of Manchester
and 
World Science staff
New 3D film clips show what happens as a brain goes unconscious-offering scientists what they call an unprecedented peek into the physical nature of that mysterious state, consciousness.

Reasoning that useful insights could come from anything that shows what separates consciousness from unconsciousness, researchers filmed brains with a new type of scanning device while an anesthetic took effect on volunteers.
An image from the fEITER brain scanning device. (Courtesy U. of Manchester)

Anesthesiologist Brian Pollard of the University of Manchester, U.K. said the real-time images seem to show that losing consciousness involves a change in electrical activity deep in the brain. The process alters the activity of certain groups of nerve cells and hinders communication between different parts of the brain, he explained.

He added that the findings seem to support a hypothesis put forward by Susan Greenfield of the University of Oxford about the nature of consciousness. Greenfield suggests consciousness arises from different groups of brain cells, called neural assemblies, that work efficiently together, or not, depending on the available stimulations. Consciousness is not an all-or-none state but more like a dimmer switch, she argues, changing according to growth, mood or drugs. 

When someone is anesthetized, Pollard said, it seems small neural assemblies either work less well together or inhibit communication with other neural assemblies. "Our findings suggest that unconsciousness may be the increase of inhibitory assemblies across the brain's cortex," the outer and more advanced region of the brain, he said. "These findings lend support to Greenfield's hypothesis."

The team used a new imaging method, invented at the university, whose name is a mouthful even by the standards of the already long acronyms now used for some brain-scanning tehniques. It's called functional electrical impedance tomography by evoked response, or fEITER. It's designed to enable high-speed imaging and monitoring of electrical activity deep within the brain.

"We have looked at 20 healthy volunteers and are now looking at 20 anesthetized patients scheduled for surgery," said Pollard, who presented results at the European Anaesthesia Congress in Amsterdam June 11. "We are able to see 3-D images of the brain's conductivity change, and those where the patient is becoming anesthetized are most interesting."

"We have been able to see a real time loss of consciousness in anatomically distinct regions of the brain for the first time," he added. "We still do not know exactly what happens within the brain as unconsciousness occurs, but this is another step in the direction of understanding the brain and its functions."

The new imaging method could "make a huge impact on many areas of imaging in medicine. It should help us to better understand anesthesia, sedation and unconsciousness, although its place in medicine is more likely to be in diagnosing changes to the brain that occur as a result of, for example, head injury, stroke and dementia," he added. "The biggest hurdle is working out what we are seeing and exactly what it means."
 
Posted by
Robert Karl Stonjek [Thanks Art Funkhouser

MAGNIFICENCE OF THE VEDA



BY ACHARYA SHRIKIRSHNA
Thousands years ago the truth about the Universe,it's law and it's creator were discovered by the "Rishi-s" of the India.The discoveries are called "Veda" or Revelations.They discovered that "Truth" is infinitely constant and unwavering.Truth is the essence of life and the only path to "Moksh".
Many a scholor without insight have misinterpreted the Veda partly because of ignorance and partly because of malice towards Hinduism.There were also those who in the attempt to show off their scholastic skills came up with quaint interpretation of the meanings of the Vedic verses.
The true meaning of the Vedic 'shlok'(verses) were put forth in the modern times by the great Swami Dayanand Saraswati who with his divine vision awakened the world from its slumber of ignorance.By perspicacious analysis The honorable Swami revealed the Eternal Knowledge of the Veda in his translations of the Vedic hymns in their true sense.Mankind will forever be indebted to him.Salutations to the great Swami Dayanand Saraswati.
According to Sanskrit grammar the root word of 'Ved' -is 'vid' - meaning Gyaan or knowledge in its four forms,encompassing the following aspects:-
1.Analytical knowledge 2.The knowledge of Acquisition of worldly wealth,3.The knowledge of the power to think logically,and 4.The acquisition of the perception of the Almighty's omnipresence or "Absolute knowledge".

FIRST-ANALYTICAL KNOWLEDGE

It encompasses the knowledge of all the analytical sciences which are found in this universe -- be it any science or any art.According to the Ved-"All the knowledge that mankind endeavors to acquire is limited within the confines of time".

SECOND-THE KNOWLEDGE OF ACQUISITION OF WEALTH
Teaches us the four acquisitions every person -- women or men endeavors to achieve in their lifetime.They are:-
1.'DHARM' -to perform one's duties by Satya(honesty),Daya(withcompas
sion), Shuddhata(with purity of Mind and Body) and Tapa(practice to control the Senses or Indriyas and the Mind).
2.'ARTH' - toil to acquire material wealth,the wealth of knowledge and wealth of character.
3.'KAAM' - desire the well being of others and one's self.
4.'MOKSH' - endeavor to attain Moksh-or Liberation.

THIRD-THE ACQUISITION OF THE POWER TO THINK LOGICALLY

To acquire the power to think on the analysis and the conjunctions of the elemental and the compound states of matter present in the universe based upon close and detailed study of their properties,propensities and their relationship with the 'Aatmaa' and the 'Parmaatmaa'.These are subjects for meditation wherein the secrets of the meditated subject are unveiled,which otherwise are not explained or perceived by the sciences.

FOURTH - THE OMNIPRESENCE OF THE ALMIGHTY

Describes the omnipresence of the almighty 'Parameshwar' shown to incorporate every thing present in the universe.It also demonstrates that the 'Aatmaa' and 'Parameshwar' to be one and the same in every being and everything.

The Ved say--"Just as all measurements merge in the infinity on the firmaments similarly all knowledge merges into the Infinite Knower".

. . . .. ..to be continued. . ..

உங்கள் வலைப்பூவை மேருகேற்ற சில உருப்படியான டிப்ஸ்



வலைப்பூ .. (ப்ளாக் ) எழுதுற எல்லோரும்,  ஒன்னு பணம் சம்பாதிக்க எழுதுறாங்க.. அல்லது புகழுக்காக ... நிறைய பேர் ப்ளாக் மூலம் கிடைச்ச நட்பு மூலம் எவ்வளவோ முன்னேறி இருக்கிறாங்க...

இன்றைய தேதிலே வலைப்பூ .... இணையம் இல்லைனா .. ஒரு பெரிய வெறிச் ஏற்பட்டு விடுகிறது... இன்டர்நெட் , TV யும் தாண்டி , ஒரு பெரிய உலகம் இருக்குது.. முக்கியமா இளைய தலைமுறைக்கு இதை கண்டிப்பா எடுத்து சொல்லணும்..

சரி, அனேகமா நம்ம இணையம் மூலம் பணம் சம்பாதிக்கிற கட்டுரைகளை தொடர்ந்து படிச்சுக்கிட்டு வர்ற வாசகர்களுக்காக , நமது நண்பர் ஒருவர் அனுப்பி இருந்த மெயில் இது. .

அகத்தின் அழகு முகத்தில் தெரியும்ங்கிற மாதிரி , உங்கள் வலைப்பூவுக்கு வர்ற வாசகர்கள் , மனதிலே பச்சக்குன்னு ஒட்டிக்கிற சமாச்சாரங்கள் சில. .. இது உங்கள் வலைப்பூவை மேருகேற்ற உதவும்.  Try and implement whatever you like ..


கம்ப்யூட்டரைப் பயன்படுத்த பழகிக் கொண்ட அனைவரும், இன்டர்நெட் வழியே தங்களுக்கென நண்பர்கள் வட்டத்தை அமைத்துக் கொள்கின்றனர். அடுத்ததாகத் தங்கள் கருத்துக்களை, எண்ணங்களை உலகிற்கு எடுத்துச் சொல்ல Blog எனப்படும் தனி வலைமனைகளை அமைத்துக் கொள்கின்றனர். இவர்களுக்கு உதவிடத் தற்போது இணையத்தில் பல தளங்கள் அமைக்கப் பட்டுள்ளன. இந்த வலைமனைகளை அமைப்பது மட்டுமின்றி, அவற்றைத் தொடர்ந்து பராமரிக்கவும் பல தளங்களில் தகவல்கள் கிடைக்கின்றன.
இந்த வலைமனைகளை உருவாக்குவதில், சில குழு நண்பர்களிடம் ஓர் ஆரோக்கியமான போட்டி நிலவி வருகிறது. எந்த விஷயங் களைச் சேர்த்து வடிவமைத்தால் நன்றாக இருக்கும் என்று எடுத்துச் சொல்லி வழிகாட்டவும் பல தளங்கள் கிடைக்கின்றன.

மேலே குறிப்பிடப்படும் அனைத்து உதவி களையும் தரும் ஓர் தளத்தினை அண்மையில் காண நேர்ந்தது. அதன் முகவரி http://www.allblogtools.com/. வலைமனை தயாரிப்பிற்கு இதில் கிடைக்கின்ற டூல்கள் நம்மை வியப்பில் ஆழ்த்துகின்றன.

டூல்ஸ், டிரிக்ஸ் மற்றும் தகவல்கள் என பலவகைகளில் ஒரு பிளாக் அமைக்கத் தேவையான அனைத்தும் கிடைக்கின்றன. இரண்டு வகைகளில் இவற்றைத் தேடிப் பெறலாம். பக்க வாட்டில் ஒரு மெனு தரப்பட்டுள்ளது. அத்துடன் புளு நேவி கேஷன் மெனு ஒன்றும் தரப்பட்டுள்ளது. புளு நேவிகேஷன் மெனுவில் கிடைக்கும் வகைகள் இங்கு பட்டியலிடப் படுகின்றன.

1. Blogger Templates: இங்கு தான் நம் பிளாக்குகளை அமைக்க அடிப்படை கட்டமைப்பு கிடைக்கிறது. எந்த வகை, என்ன அமைப்பு மற்றும் வண்ணங்களைத் தேர்ந்தெடுத்து அமைக்கலாம். கீழே இருக்கும் எண்கள் பக்கங்களைக் குறிக்கின்றன. இவற்றின் மூலம் பல பக்கங்களில் உள்ள டெம்ப்ளேட்டுகளைக் காணலாம்.ஏதேனும் ஒன்றைத் தேர்ந்தெடுத்தவுடன் அதனைக் கிளிக் செய்தால் அதனை முழுமையாகப் பெற லிங்க் ஒன்று கிடைக்கும். (கூகுள் விளம்பர பாப் அப்களும் கிடைக்கும்; அவற்றைத் தள்ளிவிடுங்கள்). இந்த லிங்க்கிள் கிளிக் செய்தால் மிக அழகான வடிவமைக்கப்பட்ட டெம்ப்ளேட்டுகள் இலவசமாக டவுண்லோட் செய்திடக் கிடைக்கின்றன. இவற்றைப் பயன்படுத்த எந்தவிதமான தடையும் இல்லை.

2. Blogger Tricks: இந்த பிரிவில் உங்கள் வலை மனையை வெற்றிகரமான ஒன்றாக அமைக்கத் தேவையான ட்ரிக்குகள் கிடைக்கின்றன. பலவகைகளில் இவை வகைப்படுத்தப்பட்டு கிடைப்பது நம் வேலையை எளிதாக்குகின்றன.

3. Blogger Tools: இதில் நான்கு வகையான டூல்ஸ் தரப்பட்டுள்ளன. அவை glitter generator, signature generator, static image generator, மற்றும் HTML color code generator ஆகும். இவை அனைத்தையும் நாம் கட்டாயம் பயன்படுத்த வேண்டும் என்பதில்லை. ஆனால் பிளாக்குகளை வண்ண மயமாக்க உதவும் HTML color code generator மிகவும் பயனுள்ள ஒரு சாதனம். பெரிய அளவில் இதனை நாம் பயன்படுத்தலாம்.

4. Blogger Falling Objects: உங்கள் பிளாக்கில் நட்சத்திரங்கள், காதல் அடையாளச் சின்னங்கள் பின்னணியில் விழுவது போல் அமைத்தால் எவ்வளவு நன்றாக இருக்கும் என்று எண்ணுகிறீர்களா! உங்கள் எண்ணத்திற்குத் தீனி போடும் வகையில் இந்த பிரிவு வடிவமைக்கப் பட்டுள்ளது. இதனைக் கட்டாயம் உங்கள் பிளாக்குகளில் அமைக்க வேண்டும் என்பதில்லை. ஆனால் இவற்றை எப்படி உருவாக்கலாம் என்பதை இந்த பிரிவில் இருந்து கற்றுக் கொள்ளலாம்.

5. Glitters: இந்த பிரிவில் ஏற்கனவே உருவாக்கப்பட்ட மின்னும் இமேஜஸ் கிடைக்கின்றன. தேவைப்பட்டால் எடுத்து பிளாக்கில் இணைத்துக் கொள்ளலாம்.

6. Animations: அனிமேஷன் எனப்படும் சிறிய அசையும் உருவங்கள் உங்கள் வலைமனையில் அமைக்க வேண்டும் என ஆசைப்பட்டால் இந்த பிரிவு உங்களுக்கு நிறைய அனிமேஷன் பைல்களைத் (.GIF) தருகிறது.
மேலே தரப்பட்டுள்ள குறிப்புகள் அதன் பிரிவுகளைச் சார்ந்தே தரப்பட்டுள்ளன. இந்த தளத்திற்குச் சென்றால் இன்னும் என்னவெல்லாம் கிடைக்கின்றன என்பதனைத் தெரிந்து கொள்வீர்கள்.

இங்கு சென்று வந்த பின் இதுவரை வலைமனை அமைக்காதவர்கள் இதன் எளிதான சாதனங்களைப் பெற்று அமைக்கத் தொடங்கிவிடுவார்கள். ஏற்கனவே அமைத்தவர்கள் தங்கள் பிளாக்குகளுக்கு மெருகூட்டுவார்கள் என்பது உறுதி.


Read more: http://www.livingextra.com/2011/07/blog-post_05.html#ixzz1RCeSlOlI

Why Manufacturing Matters

Better battery: A123 Systems’ new factory in Livonia, Michigan will make advanced batteries for hybrid and electric vehicles.
Credit: Roy Ritchie

BUSINESS


Manufacturing is not merely about giving people jobs. The next generation of technological innovations is intimately tied to production processes.
  • BY SUZANNE BERGER
Between 2000 and 2010, the number of manufacturing jobs in the United States declined by 34 percent—a loss of more than six million positions. For now America remains one of the world's greatest manufacturing powers—it makes 19.4 percent of the world's manufactured goods, a share that fell only slightly over the past 30 years and is right behind China's share of 19.8 percent. But hard questions remain about the future of production in an advanced industrial country like the U.S. The latest research suggests that the big recent decline in manufacturing jobs is due not only to increases in productivity, as we long thought, but also to large gains for Chinese imports.Do these global trends mean that manufacturing has a limited future in a high-wage country? Does the U.S. even need much domestic production when manufacturing has become a commodity that can easily and cheaply be purchased abroad? As the economy becomes more heavily dominated by services, why focus on manufacturing at all?
These questions have very old roots in American political economy. At the very beginning of the Republic, Alexander Hamilton was already arguing for industrial policies that would stimulate domestic production. More recently, in the 1980s, the rapid gains made by Japanese companies in industries like automobiles and consumer electronics stirred up huge political controversies over whether government should stave off this competition and try to sustain and revive U.S. manufacturing. The advocates for such policies argued that manufacturing plays a critical role in generating economic growth and employment opportunities and in assuring national security. The critics of industrial policies claimed that government was incapable of making good choices about industry—that it could not pick winners and losers. More fundamentally, the critics denied that there was anything special about manufacturing as distinct from other activities in the economy, or that any kind of manufacturing was more valuable than any other. As the director of the Office of Management and Budget in the first Bush administration put it: "Potato chips or silicon chips—who cares? They are both chips."
There is at least one great difference, however, between yesterday's concerns about manufacturing and today's. Over the past 25 years, a fundamental change in the structure of production has taken place, as digitization and modularity have made it possible to separate R&D and design from production in industries where these functions had previously been integrated within corporations. The experiences of successful firms over the past 30 years make it plausible to think that manufacturing can be outsourced and offshored without any damage to the engines of innovation. Once it was possible to codify the different stages of the journey from conception to final product and to break design apart from production, major new industries could arise around enterprises like Apple, Qualcomm, and Cisco. With the fragmentation of networked production, companies focused on specialized core competencies came to dominate the landscape, particularly in sectors linked to information technology. The great new U.S. companies of the past quarter-century have been ones with few if any manufacturing capabilities. Many of the vertically integrated giants, like Hewlett-Packard and Texas Instruments, also shed their manufacturing, outsourcing much of it to Asian contractors.
The IT industry came to provide the basic paradigm for thinking about industrial change. Given the spectacular success of companies like Apple and Dell, they were obvious models to emulate. Their example suggested that advanced industrial countries should focus on their comparative advantage in R&D, design, and distribution and leave manufacturing to less developed countries, with their large reserves of less educated, less demanding, low-wage labor. Research carried out by Dedrick, Kraemer, and Linden, with "tear-downs" on the composition of value in iconic products like the iPod and the iPhone, showed that the lion's share of the profits and high-paying jobs continued to accrue to companies and workers in the advanced industrial countries. In a $600 iPhone sold by Apple, assembly in China by subcontractors like Foxconn (Hon Hai) accounted for less than $7 of the cost, so why should Apple—or any other high-tech company—consider bringing production under its own roof? Collaboration between firms specializing in R&D and design in advanced industrial countries and those specializing in manufacturing in low-wage countries has greatly benefited both sides over the past quarter-century, but it seems clear which end of the bargain has been the better one. Indeed, as a matter of public policy it would be hard to see the rationale for bringing such jobs "back" to the United States. 
The question for the future, however, is whether modularity and the separation of innovative activities from manufacturing will characterize the great new industries of the next decades, as they have characterized the IT industry of the recent past. Research being conducted by the MIT Production in the Innovation Economy Commission on companies in wind and solar, biotech, new materials, batteries, and other emerging technology sectors suggests a number of reasons to question whether the IT paradigm will be workable for them. It's yet too early to draw any firm conclusions from this research, but already it appears that the challenges in scaling up these activities from laboratories through startups into full production of new products and services are different from the issues that software or electronics companies face in their transition from product idea to market. One obvious difference is that scaling up requires much more capital in these new industries than it does in software. But equally critical, in today's emerging technology sectors R&D, design, and production appear to be harder to separate than they are in the IT industry. Indeed, much of the most promising R&D and innovation in solar power involves cheaper and more efficient ways of manufacturing photovoltaics, a relatively mature technology. Companies such as Suntech have become major players in solar power by leveraging advanced manufacturing technologies, while others, such as the startup 1366 Technologies, are developing new ways of making solar cells that could dramatically redefine the costs of the technology. In both cases, the innovation is in the manufacturing.
There is a close connection between R&D and manufacturing in many of the emerging sectors because modularization may just not work as well for these technologies as it has for IT. R&D engineers may have to stay close to manufacturing to develop new strategies for making processes more efficient. The tighter integration of innovation and production may also present opportunities to bring design closer to end users, as advanced manufacturing technologies make it possible to produce higher-value goods at lower volume.
If firms need to keep production closely connected to their front-end innovative activities in order to bring new products and processes to the market, it is that something we can do in the United States? The advances we see emerging in areas like energy, life sciences, transportation, environment, communication, construction, and security promise to transform our economy and society. But it may well be that only those countries that can build powerful links between laboratory research and new manufacturing will be able to derive full benefit from their innovative capabilities. New manufacturing may not mean a larger manufacturing sector with large numbers of added jobs, but it certainly would mean radical change in the technologies and business models we have now.
The case for optimism about a renewal of American production capabilities has two legs. First, the strong performance of manufacturing in some other advanced industrial countries suggests that manufacturing and blue-collar work are not doomed in high-wage environments. In Germany, where wages and social benefits for manufacturing jobs are higher than they are in the United States, the fraction of the workforce employed in manufacturing is about twice as high as it is here. Germany has a manufacturing trade surplus—even in its trade with China. New manufacturing is possible in countries with educated populations and high living standards. But realizing such possibilities in the United States will take a major transformation of aging industrial structures that are often less efficient than the large new plants and industrial complexes of Asia.
The second leg of the case for optimism is that radically new manufacturing technologies do appear to be within reach. The demand for new, cleaner energy sources, to name just one example, promises huge markets for technologies that can be manufactured cheaply enough to compete with fossil fuels. Some have called it a new industrial revolution that will have an impact comparable to that of the factory, new power sources, and new technologies in the 19th century. In addition to three-dimensional (additive) printing, there are strong new possibilities in biofabrication and nanomaterials. But for these ideas to be translated into advanced manufacturing and robust industries, we will require new policies—built on an understanding of why manufacturing really matters.