The Indus civilization was first identified at Harappa, once a city of 80,000 people.
The Indus Valley Civilization was the first major urban culture of
South Asia. It reached its peak from 2600 BC to 1900 BC roughly, a
period called by some archaeologists "Mature Harappan" as distinguished
from the earlier Neolithic "Early Harappan" regional cultures.
Spatially, it is huge, comprising of about 1000 settlements of varying
sizes, and geographically includes almost all of modern Pakistan, parts
of India as far east as Delhi and as far south as Bombay, and parts of
Afghanistan.The main corpus of writing dated from the Indus Civilization is in the form of some two thousand inscribed seals in good, legible conditions. (In case you don't know what seals are, they are used to make impressions on malleable material like clay.)
Although these seals and samples of Indus writing have been floating around the scholastic world for close to 70 years, little progress has been made on deciphering this elegant script. However, we should not blame scholars for their lack of progress, for there are some major impediments to decipherment:
- Very short and brief texts. The average number of symbols on the seals is 5, and the longest is only 26.
- The language underneath is unknown.
- Lack of bilingual texts.
But the script isn't as bad as undecipherable. For one, even though scholars don't have long texts and bilingual texts, they can still theorize about the language underneath the writing system. There are several competing theories about the language that the Indus script represent:
- The language is completely unrelated to anything else, meaning an isolate. Well, this doesn't get us anywhere.
- The language is "Aryan" (some form of Indian-Iranian Indo-European).
The historical languages spoken in Northern India and Pakistan all
belong to the Indic branch of Indo-European, including Sanskrit,
Hindi, Punjabi, etc., so maybe the people of the Indus valley spoke a
very old Indo-European language?
The major problem with this model is the fact that horses played
a very important role in all Indo-European cultures, being a
people constantly on the move. "There is no escape from the fact
that the horse played a central role in the Vedic and Iranian
cultures..." (Parpola, 1986) Sidenote: "Vedic" means from the
time of the Vedas, the earliest text in India, and the Vedic culture
is from around 1500 to 500 BC. However, no depiction of horses
on seals nor any remains of horses have been found so far before
2000 BC. They only appear after 2000 BC. Very likely there were no
Aryan speakers present before 2000 BC in the Indus Valley.
- The language belongs to the Munda family of languages. The Munda family is spoken largely in eastern India, and related to some Southeast Asian languages. Like Aryan, the reconstructed vocabulary of early Munda does not reflect the Harappan culture. So its candidacy for being the language of the Indus Civilization is dim.
- The language is Dravidian. The Dravidian
family of languages is spoken in Southern Indian, but Brahui is
spoken in modern Pakistan. So far this is the most promising
model, as in the following points:
- There are many Dravidian influences visible in the Vedic texts. If the Aryan language gradually replaced the Dravidian, features from Dravidian would form a "substratum" in Aryan. One of these features is the appearance of retroflex consonants in Indian languages, both Indo-European and Dravidian. In contrast, retroflex consonants do not appear in any other Indo-European language, not even Iranian ones which are closest to Indic. (For more information on retroflex consonants please visit my Phonetics page).
- Another possible indication of Dravidian in the Indus texts is from structural analysis of the texts which suggests that the language underneath is possibly agglutinative, from the fact that sign groups often have the same initial signs but different final signs. The number of these final signs range between 1 to 3. The final signs possibly represent grammatical suffixes that modify the word (represented by the initial signs). Each suffix would represent one specific modification, and the entire cluster of suffixes would therefore put the word through a series of modifications. This suffix system can be found in Dravidian, but not Indo-European. Indo-European tongues tend to change the final sounds to modify the meaning of a word (a process called inflection), but repeated addition of sounds to the end of word is extremely rare. Often many suffixes in an agglutinative language correspond to a single inflectional ending in an inflectional language.
A count of the number of signs reveal a lot about the type of system being used. Alphabetic systems rarely have more than 40 symbols. Syllabic systems like Linear B or Cherokee typically have 40 to 100 or so symbols. The third ranges from logophonetic to logographic, running upwards of hundreds of signs (like 500 signs in Hieroglyphic Luwian, and 5000 symbols in modern Chinese).
It appears that the maximum number of Indus script symbols is 400, although there are 200 basic signs (ie signs that are not combined from others). This means that the Indus script is probably logophonetic, in that it has both signs used for their meanings, and signs used for their phonetic values.
Many signs start off as pictorial representation of a physical object, often misleadingly called pictograms. They really are should be called logograms because they represent words in the language. However, it's next to impossible to write out a word with abstract meaning pictorially. What all early writers figured out was to use a logogram not for the object or idea it was originally supposed to stand for, but for all words sounding similar to the original word for that object or idea. For example, in English to write "leave" we can use a picture of a "leaf". This is called rebus writing, and is a tremendously common pattern in all early writing systems. We could also then use the same "leaf" symbol to stand for the sound in "relief", adding another symbol in front of the "leaf" symbol in order to indicate the "re" sound. So the logogram gained a phonetic value as well.
Testing the theory
How can we take the theoretical framework so far and apply it to archaeological data?
Numerals seem to represented by vertical lines (represented by number of lines in the glyph), but they only go up to 7. Analysis reveal 4 more signs that appear in the same context as these numerals, and so they likely represent numbers higher than 7.
The fact that no vertical-line numeral sign denotes 8 very likely means the Harappan language is based 8. (For example, the Arabic numerals that we use has symbols from 0 to 9, and to write "ten" we have to combined the symbols 1 and 0, which identify our number system as based ten.)
Base 8 languages are rare in the world, but it does appear that early Dravidian is base 8, but later changed to base 10 (possibly under Indo-European influence). When translated, the count from 1 to 7 is familiar to us: "one", "two", "three", "four", "five", "six", "seven". However, above seven, the number's etymologies become non-numerical: 8 is "number", 9 is "many minus one", and 10 is "many". (Fairservis 1983)
But can we actually read (not interpret) any symbol on the seals? We should start with "pictograms", as this one:
Many scholars (Knorozov, Parpola, Mahadevan, etc) see this sign as a fish. Fish in reconstructed Proto-Dravidian is *mîn. Coincidentally, *mîn is also the word for star. On many pots from Mohenjo Daro, an Indus site, there are drawings of fish and stars together, and so affirming this linguistic association.
Going further, often the numeral six appears before the fish. Either it means 6 fish, or 6 stars. Old Tamil (a Dravidian language still spoken today) texts from just around the 1st century AD recorded the name of the Pleiades, a star cluster visible during autumn and winter just above Orion, as "Six-Stars", or aru-mîn. Throughout the world, titles with celestial connotations are very common, and the clause Six Stars forming part or whole of a Harappan title is not unreasonable. (Parpola, 1986)
Sometimes symbols are added to the basic sign to make new signs. Of these, the one that looks like a circumflex accent placed on top of the fish is quite interesting. It is theorized to mean "roof", and in Proto-Dravidian it is *vêy/mêy. This is phonetically similar to Proto-Dravidian word for "black", *may. Together with fish, it spells out mai-m-mîn, or "black star", which in Old Tamil means the planet Saturn. In Sanskrit texts, Saturn is associate the color black. The god of death, Yama, is the presiding of this planet, and is usually depicted as riding on a dark buffalo.
But the "fish" reading isn't accepted by all scholars. William Fairservis saw it as a combination of a loom twist and a human sign, and form a honorific title pertaining to rulership (Fairservis, 1983). I, however, am more inclined to accept the fish identification.
This is a quick overview of the current process in the decipherment of the Indus script. For more information you can either go to the following links, or go to a good library for books and articles
They lived in
well-planned cities, made exquisite jewelry, and enjoyed the ancient
world's best plumbing. But the people of the sophisticated Indus civilization—which flourished four millennia ago in what is now Pakistan and western India—remain tantalizingly mysterious.
Unable to decipher the Indus script, archaeologists have pored over beads, slivers of pottery, and other artifacts for insights into one of the world's first city-building cultures.
Now scientists are turning to long-silent witnesses:
human bones. In two new studies of skeletons from Indus cemeteries,
researchers have found intriguing clues to the makeup of one city's
population—and hints that the society there was not as peaceful as it
has been portrayed.
Peaceful or not, the Indus civilization accomplished great things.
At its peak, its settlements spanned an area greater than that of
ancient Egypt, a contemporary culture. Indus jewelry was so coveted that
examples have been found as far as Mesopotamia, some 1,500 miles
(2,500 kilometers) away. Indus cities boasted blocks of houses built on
a grid pattern and drains that funneled sewage from homes to dumping grounds outside the city walls.
But who was living in those cities? A new study to be published in the May issue of the Journal of Archaeological Science focuses on Harappa,
one of the largest and most powerful Indus centers, with a population
of up to 80,000. Researchers examined the chemical composition of teeth
from a Harappan cemetery used from roughly 2550 to 2030 B.C. The
analysis showed that the city was a cosmopolitan melting pot. Many of
the deceased had grown up outside Harappa—the first direct evidence that
"individuals were indeed migrating to the city," says University of
South Alabama bioarchaeologist Lesley Gregoricka, who was not involved in the study.
This skull of an adult male shows traces of a broken nose and a blunt-force injury.
Photograph courtesy Gwen Robbins Schug
Most likely the newcomers came to Harappa from elsewhere
in the far-flung Indus area, perhaps for trade. But they may also have
come to cut another kind of deal—marriage. Many of the outsiders,
surprisingly, are men buried near women native to Harappa. The findings
are preliminary, but they suggest men moved in with their brides,
even though in South Asia women traditionally move to their husband's
homes. Confirmation of these early results, says lead author Mark Kenoyer of the University of Wisconsin–Madison, would point to a "system where women were powerful."
The new study is pioneering, says Indus expert James Shaffer
of Case Western Reserve University, and offers "one of the few real
insights we have" into the structure of Harappan society. If the study
is correct, Harappa's unusual gender roles could mean that social
structure in the Indus region was radically different from that of other
ancient cultures, Shaffer says. In Mesopotamia, for instance, ancient
texts show that women were usually subordinate to men.
Experts have long thought that the Indus region was
indeed vastly different from ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia in one
respect: the level of violence. Based on the lack of evidence for mass
destruction of any Indus cities, and the lack of depictions of soldiers
or killing, the Indus is often described as a "peaceful realm." But
recent scrutiny of another group of Harappan skeletons tells a darker
story.
Bones from about 1900 to 1700 B.C.—more than a millennium
later than those examined by Kenoyer—make it clear that at least some
Harappan residents were subjected to savage violence. The skull of a
child between four and six years old was cracked and crushed by blows
from a club-like weapon. An adult woman was beaten so badly—with
extreme force, according to researchers—that her skull caved in. A
middle-aged man had a broken nose as well as damage to his forehead
inflicted by a sharp-edged, heavy implement.
Of the 18 skulls examined from this time period, nearly
half showed serious injuries from violence, researchers reported in a
recent paper in the International Journal of Paleopathology.
The rate of skull injuries tied to violence is the highest recorded in
the prehistory of South Asia, the researchers say. It may be no
coincidence that at the time of these burials the Indus civilization was
beginning to disintegrate and parts of Harappa were being abandoned,
for reasons that scholars are still debating.
The results run contrary to "the myth of the peaceful Indus civilization," says Appalachian State University's Gwen Robbins Schug. "Violence … [was] part of life at Harappa." Schug carried out this study with help from Kelsey Gray, a graduate student, and Veena Mushrif-Tripathy, from Deccan College in Pune, India.
Schug's conclusions divide outside experts. Nancy Lovell,
a professor emeritus at the University of Alberta who has also studied
Harappan skeletons, says the study's findings are "a really important
contribution, because the tendency has been to think of Harappa as
being fairly … peaceful." Shaffer argues, however, that the violence
reported in the new paper is not unexpected in a crowded city. Schug
agrees but says her findings contradict previous opinions that Harappa
was an oasis of serenity.
The analysis of more skeletons in the future may settle
the matter, but for now, the Indus people are keeping their long-held
secrets.
![Absolutely stunning entrance to less popular ancient Karli caves, Lonavala(Maharashtra)
Dated: 2nd century BCE
Column and caves were carved out of single monolithic rock.
A notable feature of these caves is their arched entrances and vaulted interiors. The outside facade has intricate details carved into it in an imitation of finished wood. The central motif is a large horseshoe arch. There is an Ashokan pillar at the front, with a closed stone facade and torana in between.
Temple builders did unbelievably magnificent and sophisticated work – leaving columns and other structural elements at exact distances and proportions and carving some of the most beautiful ancient sculptures of the world in situ. Hundreds of sculptures.
Karla Caves represent the highest achievement of Indian rock-cut architecture of the time and are one of the earliest examples of ornate and richly decorated rock-cut temples in India. In splendour these caves can be compared to Ajanta and Ellora but are much less popular – thus visit here is pleasant due to less crowds. Part of the caves is accessible by
climbing 350 steps cut in the rock at the time when temples were built. Construction workers moved here not only themselves but many tons of stones – doing it carefully, without damaging the exquisite carvings and
levelled surfaces.
["Ancient Excavations at Carli" from 'Twenty Four Views in St. Helena, the Cape, India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia and Egypt'.]](https://fbcdn-sphotos-h-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-snc7/s480x480/3657_587969827894495_1878883569_n.jpg)
